Corruption is widespread in
India. India is ranked 85 out of 179 countries in Transparency Internationals
Corruption Perceptions Index, although its score has improved consistently from
2.7 in 2002 to 3.4 in 2008. Corruption has taken the role of a pervasive aspect
of Indian politics and bureaucracy. The economy of India was under
socialist-inspired policies for an entire generation from the 1950s until the
1980s. The economy was shackled by extensive regulation, protectionism and
public ownership, leading to pervasive corruption and slow growth. A 2005 study
done by Transparency International (TI) in India found that more than 50 per
cent of the people had first-hand experience of paying bribe or peddling
influence to get a job done in a public office. Taxes and bribes are common
between state borders; Transparency International estimates that truckers pay
annually $5 billion in bribes. Officials often steal state property. In Bihar,
more than 80 per cent of the subsidised food aid to poor is stolen.
The world would be a better
place without corruption and it does impose a cost on the economy. But the
contention, that it is our biggest problem and we need to eliminate it before
meaningful change can occur, is not supported by evidence. We need to look
beyond the simple answer to figure out what else is holding back economic
growth in our country. Just as there are people who believe that overpopulation
is our biggest problem, there are others who attribute most of our difficulties
to corruption. There is no doubt that corruption is a pervasive and aggravating
phenomenon but even a cursory comparative analysis should make one skeptical of
the assertion that it is a major cause of our underdevelopment.
Corruption is as much a moral
as a development issue. It can distort entire decision- making processes on
investment projects and other commercial transactions, and the very social and
political fabric of societies. The following are some of the consequences of
corruption.
There is a much better grasp
today of the extent to which corruption is a symptom of fundamental
institutional weaknesses. Instead of tackling such a symptom with narrow
intervention designed to “eliminate” it, it is increasingly understood that the
approach ought to address a broad set of fundamental institutional
determinants. However, the challenge of integrating this understanding with participatory
process has barely begun. The implementation of institutional reforms can
benefit significantly from the participatory process that is being developed
for anti-corruption activities. Equally important, any participatory process,
however sophisticated, ought to lead to concrete results beyond enhanced
participation and heightened awareness. Thus, identifying key institutional
reforms in India, and mobilising support for such reforms, needs to be fully
integrated into the participatory process from very early on.
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